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Saturday, September 9, 2017

Templar - an original song by J Stephen Roberts

Enjoy some medieval-themed music from Real Crusades History's own J Stephen Roberts.


Templar

Music & lyrics by: J Stephen Roberts

Church on a hill in a grove
Below skies gray
Lay the sword at the altar
Kneel and pray

Faith is that a soul black with sin
Can be restored
But what penance could ever cleanse the Christian blood
That stains this sword?

Brothers all around as I kneel
And the oath is sworn
Clad in the mantle and the spurs
I am reborn

The burdens of the Devil's rule
No more upon me lay
And the sword that once carved my path to hell
Will guard the pilgrim's way

Friday, September 8, 2017

Guy de Lusignan: Parvenu Adenventurer

Guy de Lusignan has the distinction of being the man who lost the Kingdom of Jerusalem by leading the Christian army to an unnecessary but utterly devastating defeat at the Battle of Hattin in 1187.  Such noted modern historians such as Malcolm Barber, Bernard Hamilton and W.B. Bartlett argue Lusignan’s disastrous decision to abandon the Springs of Sephoria and march to the relief of the garrison of Tiberius in July 1187 can be explained by the fact that he was criticized for not taking the offense in the campaign of 1183.  Guy, they argue, was in a difficult psychological position and had every reason to doubt the Count of Tripoli’s loyalty. They generally portray Guy more as a victim of circumstances rather than the cause of disaster.  Guy’s contemporaries saw it differently. 

So who has the right of it? In two essays, Dr. Schrader examines Guy de Lusignan’s biography, starting with his years as a parvenu adventurer.


Guy de Lusignan in Ridley Scott's Film "The Kingdom of Heaven"

Guy de Lusignan usually enters history books with his marriage to Sibylla of Jerusalem, King Amalric’s first-born child and older sister too King Baldwin IV. But this may be a mistake.

In the spring of 1168, the Earl of Salisbury was escorting Queen Eleanor of England to Poitiers with a small escort when the party was ambushed by “the Lusignans.” The Lusignans had recently been dispossessed of their lands for rebelling against Eleanor, Duchess of Aquitaine. They hoped by capturing Eleanor to gain a bargaining chip for the restoration of their fortunes. The Earl of Salisbury turned over his own horse, which was stronger and faster, to Eleanor so she could escape, but while he was remounting he was fatally pierced from behind by a lance. Salisbury’s nephew William Marshal (later famous as tutor of the Henry the Young King, Earl of Pembroke and Regent of England) was in Salisbury’s entourage.  According to the 13th century biography of William Marshal, commissioned by his eldest son and based on the accounts of many of Marshal’s contemporaries, this ambush was led by Guy de Lusignan and his brother Geoffrey. Some sources claim that Guy himself wielded the murderous lance.  Allegedly, this act made Guy persona non grata in the courts of the Plantagenets and induced him to seek his fortune in Outremer. Maybe, but there was a gap of some 12 years, so maybe not.

Nevertheless, when considering Guy de Lusignan’s later reputation, it is important to remember that he was accused of a profoundly unchivalrous murder by contemporaries — before he ever set foot in the Kingdom of Jerusalem.

A Blow from Behind -- Here with a Sword

Guy appears to have arrived in Jerusalem in late 1179 or early 1180 at the invitation of his elder brother Aimery. Older brother Aimery was making a career in Jerusalem, according to some, by sleeping with the Queen Mother, Agnes de Courtenay. At the time Guy arrived in the Holy Land, Baldwin IV was king — and clearly dying of leprosy. Since it was also clear that Baldwin IV would not sire heirs of his body, his sister Sibylla was his heir apparent. Sibylla herself was thus a young (20 year old) widow. There were rumors, however, that she had pledged herself to the Baron of Ramla and Mirabel. The rumors were widespread enough for Salah-ad-Din to demand a king’s ransom when Ramla was taken captive on the Litani in 1179 (apparently in anticipation of Ramla becoming King of Jerusalem) — and for the Byzantine Emperor to pay that exorbitant ransom (since Ramla could not possibly pay it from his own resources) in anticipation of the same event.

But suddenly at Easter of 1180, Sibylla married not Ramla (who was on his way back from Constantinople) but the virtually unknown and landless Guy de Lusignan.  The wedding was concluded in a hasty ceremony lacking preparation and pomp. According to the most reliable contemporary source, the Archbishop of Tyre (who was also Chancellor at the time and so an “insider,”) Baldwin rushed his sister into the marriage with the obscure, landless and discredited Guy because the Prince of Antioch, the Count of Tripoli and the Baron of Ramla were planning to depose him and place Ramla on the throne as Sibylla’s consort. 


Allegedly a Depiction of a Royal Wedding in Jerusalem

Perhaps. But there is no other evidence of Tripoli much less Antioch’s disloyalty. Furthermore, Ramla’s hopes of marrying Sibylla had been known for a long time — and all the way to Damascus and Constantinople. Why did that marriage suddenly seem threatening to Baldwin IV?

Another contemporary source, the now lost chronicle of Ernoul, suggests another reason for the hasty and unsuitable (for there is no way the third son of a Poitevin baron could be considered a suitable match for the heiress of Jerusalem) marriage: that Guy had seduced Sibylla. Aside from the fact that this had happened more than once in history, the greatest evidence for a love match is Sibylla’s steadfast — almost hysterical — attachment to Guy, as we shall see.  Meanwhile, however, the marriage alienated not only the jilted Baron of Ramla, but the Count of Tripoli as well. In short, it was not a very wise political move and thus hard to explain as a political decision.  Last but not least, even the Archbishop of Tyre admits the King soon regretted the decision. All these factors point to Ernoul’s explanation of a seduction, a scandal and an attempt to “put things right” by a King who was devoted to his sister.

Guy was named Count of Jaffa and Ascalon and appears to have been accepted by the Barons of Jerusalem as a fait accompli that could no longer be changed — until, in September 1183, King Baldwin became so ill that he named his brother-in-law Guy regent of the kingdom.  As such, Guy took command of the Christian forces during Salah-ad-Din’s fourth invasion of the Kingdom. What happened next is obscure. Although Saladin managed to burn some monasteries and there were some bitterly fought skirmishes, ultimately the Saracens were forced to withdraw; an apparent Christian victory (and certainly better than what happened four years later, the next time Guy was in command!)

Yet something more must have happened on this campaign because just two months later, when word reached Jerusalem that the vital castle of Kerak was besieged by Saladin, the barons of Jerusalem “unanimously” refused to follow Guy. They flat out refused to come to the relief of an important border fortress in which both royal princesses (Sibylla and Isabella), the Queen Mother and the Dowager Queen were all trapped (because of a wedding) until Guy was stripped of the regency. 

That is an incredibly strong statement.  The fact that the historical record is too patchy to enable us to explain it does not negate the importance of the event. The collective barons of Outremer were not dolts, cowards or fools.  They had accepted Guy’s command two months earlier. Even Tripoli and Ramla, who both detested him, had mustered under Guy’s command to face Salah-ad-Din in September, putting the welfare of the kingdom ahead of their personal feelings. But two months later even men who had previously shown no particular animosity toward Lusignan refused to accept his leadership. King Baldwin had no choice but to take back the reins of government, command of his army and have his nephew crowned as co-king. The latter was to reassure the barons that even if he died in the near term (as he expected), they would not have to pay homage to Guy.

After Kerak had been successfully relieved, Baldwin IV sought desperately to have his sister’s marriage to Guy annulled. This had nothing to do with personal grievances against Guy (although he had those too); it was necessary in order to find a long-term solution to the succession crisis. His nephew was a sickly boy, and the kingdom needed a vigorous and militarily competent leader. Baldwin’s efforts to replace the discredited Guy were thwarted by Sibylla, who refused to consider a divorce — something she is hardly likely to have done, if the marriage had been political in the first place. Sibylla's was successful: Baldwin IV died before his sister’s marriage to Guy was annulled, paving the way for the next step in Guy’s career: a usurpation of the throne.

Guy’s story will be continued next week on Sept. 15.

Dr Helena P. Schrader holds a PhD in History.
She is the Chief Editor of the Real Crusades History Blog.
She is the author of numerous books both fiction and non-fiction, including a three-part biography of Balian d'Ibelin.

Guy is a major character in both "Defender of Jerusalem" and "Envoy of Jerusalem." 




                                                             

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Thursday, September 7, 2017

Wednesday, September 6, 2017

Saladin and the Fate of the Christian Women of Jerusalem

A clip from our podcast "The Siege of Jerusalem", in which J Stephen Roberts, Dr. Helena Schrader, and Rand Brown discuss the results of Saladin's attack on Jerusalem in 1187.


The Siege of Jerusalem features in Dr. Schrader's novel Defender of Jerusalem

Tuesday, September 5, 2017

Richard the Lionheart rescues his sister Joan

A clip from our podcast, The Conquest of Cyprus, 1191. This clip opens the discussion with a look at Richard's relationship with his sister Joan.


Envoy of Jerusalem by Helena Schrader

Monday, September 4, 2017

The Battle of Ourique, 1139

Today we’re going to be talking about a pivotal moment in the Reconquista of Portugal: the Battle of Ourique.



            In 1139 the County of Portugal was ruled by Afonso Henriques, the son of Henry of Burgundy, and Theresa, daughter of King Alfonso VI of Leon and Castile. At the time of his assumption to power, Afonso’s Portugal extended from the Miño River eastward to Braganza, and southward to Coimbra.
            On its southern reaches, Portugal bordered territory controlled by the powerful Almoravid Caliphate of North Africa. In 1137, the Almoravids attacked the castle of Leiria, which Afonso had recently erected on the road from Coimbra to Santarém. Afonso quickly strengthened the fortifications of Leiria, and prepared to carry the war into Almoravid territory. In 1139 he mustered his army at Coimbra and struck south on a raid deep into Almoravid territory, which at one point may have even reached as far as Seville.
            The extent of Afonso’s raid is striking, but Afonso had planned his route well, avoiding the well-fortified city of Santarem and scouting the region meticulously. Also, the Moorish city of Oreja was under siege by King Alfonso VII of Leon, and so considerable Almoravid forces were diverted to defend Oreja against the Leonese. It’s possible that Alfonso VII and Afonso Henriques had acted in concert with this mission to maximize damage to the Moors.
            Meanwhile, the governor of Cordoba, Abu Muhammad Az-Zubayr Ibn Umar, mobilized an enormous army to check Afonso’s raid, drawing on troops from both North Africa and al-Andalus.
            Afonso met the Almoravids near the village of Ourique southwest of Beja, far to the south of Portugal’s holdings in the Algarve. Afonso had with him just under a thousand Portuguese knights, including contingents of Templars, with roughly twice that number of infantry. The Almoravid army was much larger: eight to ten thousand troops. Five important Andalusian governors were present: the emirs of Seville, Elvas, Évora and Beja, including Ibn-Umar of Cordoba leading the operation.


Afonso I of Portugal


            The Moors intercepted the Portuguese on July 24th. With his numerical superiority, Ibn-Umar cut off Afonso’s path of retreat, and the two armies prepared for battle.
            The next morning, both sides arrayed their lines for combat. Afonso arranged his knights into a vanguard, two flanks, and a rearguard. The vanguard would’ve contained several hundred of the army’s best knights, while each flank had around two hundred knights and four to five hundred infantrymen. The rearguard contained the remainder of the cavalry and infantry units.
            The Almoravid divisions contained light cavalry, infantry, and both mounted and un-mounted archers. They would’ve been arranged with a vanguard before a central column, with this entire formation augmented by two flanks. A rearguard was arranged behind this, with a reserve behind the rearguard.
            Confident in his superior numbers, ibn-Umar ordered his vanguard to make the initial charge. The Portuguese responded by delivering a heavy cavalry charge, and the superiority of Latin cavalry had a major impact. The Christian knights held their formation against the Almoravid attacks, and delivered wave after wave of punishing cavalry charges. The superior armor and big, well-trained horses of the Latin knights, as well as their use of the couched lance tactic, which allowed their lance blows to carry the full weight of their charging stallions, devastated the Almoravid lines. As ibn-Umar’s formations broke up, the Portuguese rearguard charged through them, causing further devastation, and the Christian infantry cut down the survivors as they tried to flee.




By mid-day it was over: Afonso and his forces had won. The Moors fled, although we don’t know if ibn-Umar was able to effect an orderly retreat, or if his forces fled in disorder. The Portuguese remained for a further three days, pillaging the Almoravid camp. Afonso then returned to Coimbra.
            It may have been Afonso’s victory at Ourique that prompted him to declare Portugal no longer a county, but now a kingdom. From here onward, Afonso would style himself rex Portugalensium – King of Portugal. Thus, by this great victory of the Reconquista, the Kingdom of Portugal was truly born as an entity.

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Friday, September 1, 2017

Review: "Rough Tolerance" by Christopher MacEvitt

A Review by Dr. Helena P. Schrader

In this highly readable history, Christopher MacEvitt makes an outstanding contribution to crusades scholarship.  Noting that most histories of the crusades rely on Latin/Frankish and Saracen sources but almost completely overlook the works of native Orthodox Christians, MacEvitt has undertaken a study of how these sources depict the crusaders and the states they established. His conclusion, based on a meticulous analysis of the sources, is that “the segregationist vision of the Frankish Levant is deeply flawed….” (Christopher MacEvitt, The Crusades and the Christian World of the East: Rough Tolerance, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008, p. 21.)  He goes on to note that “the Frankish aristocracy allowed conduct and beliefs that would have been unacceptable in Christian Europe.” (MacEvitt, p.21) Finally, he concludes the book by stressing that “…the eventual defeat of the Frankish principalities of the Levant can no longer depend on the argument that their fall was caused by their lack of roots in their new home, or because of the antagonism of the people they ruled.” (MacEvitt, p. 179.)



The evidence MacEvitt marshals to support his theses is not only overwhelming, it is well-presented. MacEvitt’s understanding of Armenian and other native Christian societies, helps place crusader actions in a new context. He explains in clear and understandable terms the differences between the various Christian sects in the region, and helps the reader comprehend the complexity of dealing with them in a period when language divisions did not follow theological ones.



Rather than relying solely on theory and church commentary, MacEvitt produces concrete examples of behavior that demonstrates beyond a doubt that the Frankish population of Outremer intermingled, intermarried and cooperated extensively with the native Christians of the region.  This was not just a matter of Frankish and native Christian communities visiting the same bazaars and taverns, but of them undertaking joint pilgrimages, sharing churches, taking part in the same processions, and using each other’s priests as confessors. Such actions are clear indications that for the average Frank the common belief in Christ outweighed the theological differences that animated church scholars.



MacEvitt discounts the usual argument for Frankish “oppression” (the imposition of Latin bishops/patriarchs) by pointing out that Greek Orthodox patriarchs were replaced by Latin patriarchs because the senior Greek clergy had already fled the Holy Land in the face of Muslim persecution before the arrival of the crusades. He notes further that on their arrival in Antioch “the crusaders enthroned the Greek patriarch ... in the cathedral, recognizing his authority over Latins and Melkites alike.” (MacEvitt, p. 111.) Adding, “more Melkite bishops could be found throughout Palestine after the crusader conquest than had been there in the previous fifty years.” (MacEvitt, p. 112).



Perhaps more important, while noting that all “Orthodox” Christians were viewed with various degrees of skepticism by the Roman Catholic hierarchy, he points out that the crusader states were not theocracies run by religious scholars, but secular states run by educated but fundamentally hard-nosed, practical, fighting men. The rule they “imposed” on the liberated territories borrowed far more from the traditions of the Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium) than Western Europe. MacEvitt demonstrates, for example, that the crusader states did not introduce any form of serfdom on the native peasants ― Christian or Muslim, and that the crusader states offered a variety of opportunities for advancement and enrichment for native elites.



MacEvitt argues convincingly that the new rulers needed the support of local elites in order to govern. As a result, the native elites had opportunities in a wide range of fields from collecting taxes and administering rural communities to serving as tax-collectors, harbor-masters, and accountants in the cities. MacEvitt provides examples of native Christians holding land in their own right, and being wealthy enough to make charitable bequests of significant value.  In addition, he claims to have identified native Christians serving as knights and, in one case, even as Marshal of Jerusalem. While earlier historians have assumed that these native Christians “must have” first converted to Latin Christianity, MacEvitt argues that there is no evidence of this whatsoever.



In short, MacEvitt completely debunks earlier histories that allege the Franks practiced a kind of “apartheid” on the native Christians, and sets the record straight. Anyone interested in the crusades and crusader states ― particularly anyone writing about them ― should not overlook this important and enlightening work. 

Dr Helena P. Schrader holds a PhD in History.
She is the Chief Editor of the Real Crusades History Blog.
She is the author of numerous books both fiction and non-fiction, including a three-part biography of Balian d'Ibelin.

Native Christians are depicted as important and respected members of society in the crusader states in all three of my novels set in the Kingdom of Jerusalem.






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